https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/issue/feed Conflict and Peace Studies Journal 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bussabong Chaijaroenwatana cpsj.psu@gmail.com Open Journal Systems <p> Conflict and Peace Studies Journal (CPSJ) is an academic journal which aims at creating the platform for promoting, distributing and exchanging knowledge in the areas of peace and conflict studies, human rights and Contemplative Education. CPSJ publishes 2 versions, printed and online. ISSNs are as follows:<br /> ISSN: 2821-9430 (Print)<br /> ISSN: 2821-9449 (Online) </p> <p><strong>CPSJ publishes articles on a wide range of topics, including </strong></p> <ul> <li>Conflict and Peace Studies</li> <li>Human Rights</li> <li>Political Science</li> <li>Public Administration</li> <li>Sociology</li> <li>Anthropology</li> <li>Multiculturalism and Diversity</li> <li>Security, Violence and Terrorism</li> <li>Contemplative Education<br /><br /></li> </ul> <p><strong>CPSJ welcomes submissions in five categories:</strong></p> <ul> <li>Research Articles</li> <li>Academic Articles</li> <li>Special Articles</li> <li>Book Recommendation</li> <li>Book Reviews<br /><br /></li> </ul> <p><strong>Publication policy</strong></p> <p>CPSJ is scheduled to be published 2 issues per year:<br /> 1<sup>st</sup> issue: January - June <br /> 2<sup>nd</sup> issue: July - December</p> https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_1 The 2025 Thai-Cambodian Conflict Viewed Through Glasl’s Nine-Stage Conflict Escalation Model 2025-08-25T16:38:42+07:00 Murray Hunter murrayhunter58@gmail.com <p>This study examines the 2025 Thai-Cambodian border conflict through the lens of Friedrich Glasl’s Nine-Stage Conflict Escalation Model, analyzing its progression from simmering tensions to intense military engagement. Triggered by disputes over the Ta Muan Thom temple and escalating into widespread clashes along the Thai-Cambodian border from July 24 to July 28, 2025, the conflict resulted in over 30 deaths and significant civilian displacement. By mapping the conflict’s timeline onto Glasl’s model, this paper identifies its evolution through rational, emotional, and fighting phases, culminating in a fragile ASEAN-brokered ceasefire on August 7, 2025. The analysis highlights the model’s utility in dissecting the dynamics of interstate military conflicts, while also revealing its limitations in capturing historical, geopolitical, and socio-economic factors unique to nation-to-nation disputes. The findings underscore the need for nuanced conflict resolution strategies that address underlying territorial and political grievances to prevent future escalations.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_2 Witchcraft Politics in Indonesia’s 1998 New Order Regime: Conflict, Propaganda, and Political Directions 2025-08-20T16:11:20+07:00 Fikri Gali Fernando Holqi fikrigali61@gmail.com Amartya Firdausy Salsabila amartyafs@gmail.com <p>The purpose of this study is to analyze the conflict during the New Order regime in Indonesia in 1998, based on the mystery of the Banyuwangi film, film as a reflection of the reality of the dynamics of 1998 reformasi in Indonesia, which clearly affected the city of Banyuwangi. Particularly regarding the witchcraft politics in Banyuwangi. This study employs a qualitative approach with a thematic analysis type. Consists of primary data containing the film Mysteries of Banyuwangi, as well as secondary data containing published research results such as journals, books, articles, and report archives that can answer the research problems. The data analysis technique uses manual coding through the processes of familiarization, initial coding, and open coding conducted using NVivo12 software, leading to a systematic thematic narration conducted in-depth to analyze phenomena using scapegoat theory, leadership, mechanical solidarity, and multidimensional conflict comprehensively. The research findings reveal that the political conflict surrounding witchcraft occurring in Banyuwangi is based on the New Order regime's strategy to maintain its political legacy regarding the existence of charismatic leaders such as Megawati Soekarno Putri and Abdurrahman Wahid. The pattern of conflict is directed at the Ulama as the main target by creating propaganda that scapegoats the existence of witchcraft and the role of witch doctors through community support. This conflict orientation is aimed at charismatic leaders who are able to undermine the stability and political legitimacy of the regime.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_3 Sudan Conflict and Its Impact on Regional Relations and Humanitarian Stability 2025-05-03T09:31:30+07:00 Salah Adam Khalifa Idris khalifa076@gmail.com Aminuddin Bin Mustaffa aminuddinm@unisza.edu.my Md. Mahbubul Haque mahbubh@unisza.edu.my Yusuf Kamaluddeen Ibrahim yusufkibrahim04@gmail.com <p>The paper explores the current conflict in Sudan, which started in April 2023, with an emphasis on how it affects humanitarian situations, regional ties, and national governance. Using a qualitative research methodology, it uses secondary data to describe the origins and humanitarian effects of the conflict, and to analyze the impact of the conflict on Sudan’s diplomatic and regional relation. It is also to evaluate the role of regional and international actors in shaping conflict dynamics and responses. The extent of humanitarian relocation and the degradation of essential services are also highlighted. The paper provides a framework for understanding the conflict's wider geopolitical ramifications and makes suggestions for inclusive peacebuilding and regional collaboration by differentiating between descriptive patterns and analytical insights. The results are intended to guide future studies on conflict resolution in fragile nations as well as policy responses.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_4 Sacred Spaces in Conflicts: Faith Based Organizations and the Peacebuilding Landscape in Northeast India and Southeast Myanmar 2025-10-29T16:15:35+07:00 Kushelu Chakhesang avadeo.dodo@gmail.com <p>This study examines how Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) create and sustain moral, spiritual, and communal spaces for reconciliation in two protracted ethno-political conflicts, namely, the Nagas in Northeast India (NEI) and the Karen people in Southeast Myanmar (SEM). Using Religious Peacebuilding Theory and drawing from historical documents and informal conversations with FBO leaders, the study analyzes how faith communities operate as critical yet often overlooked peacebuilding actors. The findings show that both movements emerged from similar colonial disruptions, which helped shape early political consciousness and collective ethnic identity. Although each community pursued self-determination, internal fragmentation driven by ideological and leadership differences complicated political negotiations. In these divided contexts, FBOs created “sacred spaces” that nurtured trust, dialogue, and communal healing in ways state institutions often could not. Among the Nagas, a largely Christian social setting allowed faith-based actors to draw on shared ideas of forgiveness, and covenant. This moral coherence gave them strong legitimacy to mediate between rival groups, ease internal violence, and support political dialogue. In the Karen context, where both Buddhist and Christian communities shape social life, peacebuilders had to form intentional interreligious partnerships. Faith actors worked together to create inclusive spiritual and cultural spaces that encouraged unity, strengthened resilience, and mobilized grassroots involvement in peace efforts. The study concludes that FBOs advance peace not only through theology but by creating sacred relational spaces where divided communities can envision new futures. Peacebuilding policy should recognize them as co-authors of reconciliation, strengthen interfaith cooperation, and deepen contextual theological training for conflict transformation.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_5 Peaceful Community Attributes: A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Public Perspectives in Pattani, Thailand 2025-04-11T00:41:29+07:00 Jiraporn Ruangying jiraporn.r@psu.ac.th Danuvat Suwanvong danuvat.s@psu.ac.th Suthisak Namtip suthisak.num@pncc.ac.th Hanisah Binyusof haneesah.bin@pncc.ac.th <p>This study examined the definition and characteristics of a Peaceful Community in Pattani Province and confirmed its structural components from residents’ perspectives. A mixed-methods design was employed. The qualitative phase involved in-depth interviews with 12 key informants, including local government administrators, community leaders, SBPAC officials, and community development scholars, complemented by an eight-person expert focus group. The quantitative phase surveyed 150 residents aged 20–60 using a multi-stage sampling method. Data were collected via a questionnaire with a reliability coefficient of .812 and analyzed through Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) using JASP. The findings indicate that the characteristics of a Peaceful Community in the context of Pattani Province comprise five dimensions, which are strongly supported by empirical data (χ² = 158.312, df = 96, p &lt; .001, χ²/df = 1.649, CFI = 1.015, TLI = 1.137, RMSEA = 0.038, SRMR = 0.053) with factor loadings ranging from 0.84 to 0.93. The dimensions, in order of descending factor loadings, are as follows: 1) Leadership (0.93), with key indicators including vision and legitimacy, ethics, and moral authority; 2) Emotional (0.92), with key indicators including self-awareness and understanding of others, acceptance and understanding of social and cultural diversity, and connection to local belief systems; 3) Intellectual (0.91), with key indicators including commitment to non-violence and the use of peaceful conflict management processes and mechanisms; 4) Physical and Economic (0.89), with key indicators including income security, economic participation, self-reliance, access to physical infrastructure, and equitable access to public health services; and 5) Social (0.84), with key indicators including comprehensive participation in development processes, social awareness and collective action, acceptance of diversity and peaceful coexistence, and social interdependence. These findings provide an empirical framework for developing and evaluating Peaceful Communities specifically in Pattani Province.</p> <p>This study defines peaceful communities as social units characterized by harmonious coexistence, respect for diversity, unity, reconciliation, and equality. These communities adopt non-violent conflict resolution and rely on internal mechanisms that promote collective security and stability. Five dimensions serve as core indicators: (1) Physical—economic security; (2) Social—inclusivity, equality, participation, support, and shared values; (3) Spiritual—self-awareness, empathy, and cultural faith; (4) Intellectual—non-violent problem-solving and adaptability; and (5) Leadership—peace-driven leadership that fosters unity. This multidimensional framework is particularly applicable to Pattani Province and other Southern Border Provinces of Thailand, where promoting peaceful communities is essential for long-term conflict resolution, social integration, and sustainable development.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_6 A Study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) Movement Against Israel in Thailand’s Deep South 2025-10-28T19:30:45+07:00 Laina Jinuy lainajinuy333@gmail.com Nantacha Chelong nantachawre46@gmail.com Yasmin Sattar yasmin.s@psu.ac.th <p>This study examines the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel in Thailand’s Deep South. Initiated in 2005, the BDS campaign seeks to pressure Israel to end the occupation of Palestinian territories and halt human rights violations against Palestinians. Guided by a constructivist theoretical framework, the research analyzes how identities, norms, and local perceptions shape both the emergence and the limitations of BDS activism in the region. A qualitative methodology was employed, incorporating in-depth interviews with scholars, civil society actors, and content creators, along with document analysis and a review of public media.</p> <p>The findings reveal that BDS activism in the Deep South remains limited and lacks continuity, often emerging only in response to major international events. Key constraints include low public awareness of the Israel–Palestine conflict, confusion surrounding products and services linked to Israel, the absence of strong local movement networks, and restrictive state policies. These findings indicate that the BDS movement in the Deep South has yet to develop into a sustained social force. Strengthening public knowledge, local networks, and supportive policy structures is essential to enhancing the continuity and long-term effectiveness of human-rights-based activism in the region.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_7 The Landscape of Fear after 9/11 Attack: Understanding Structural Violence through a Critical Peace Analysis 2025-08-20T12:23:25+07:00 Tana Maneepruk tana.m@tsu.ac.th Chakrit Yippikun chakrit.yip@gmail.com <p>This article aims to analyze the United States’ response to the 9/11 attacks through the framework of critical nonviolence, with a focus on structural violence, political discourse, and identity politics. This study employs qualitative methodology and draws on discourse analysis, policy document analysis, political rhetoric, and official statements by the U.S. government leaders in the aftermath of 9/11. The findings include: 1) The state’s response under the banner of the “War on Terror” reproduced structural violence, particularly through legislation that eroded civil liberties; 2) Fear was strategically constructed as a political instrument to expand and entrench state power, so Muslim identity was framed as inherently threatening, with religion, culture, and perceived risk combined to produce Muslims as “permanent suspects,” regardless of actual behavior; and 3) Nonviolent alternatives were conspicuously absent from official policy and systematically excluded from public discourse, despite the fact that the post-9/11 period was a moment that called for a plurality of approaches beyond the use of force. The article concludes that the state’s post-9/11 response constituted more than a security strategy; it represented the erasure of peace as a conceivable option within state logic and public imagination. Nonviolence, therefore, is not merely a moral alternative but a direct challenge to the structural power that renders violence the only thinkable response in a world governed by fear.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal https://so07.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/cpsj_psu/article/view/4_2_8 The Challenges of Political Rights in Thailand during 2019–2025 2025-10-15T15:43:46+07:00 Chitsanuphong Sanpha chitsanupong25400@gmail.com <p>Political rights aim to guarantee and protect citizens’ participation in political processes in accordance with democratic principles. They constitute a fundamental element of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Thailand has implemented for more than 28 years (1997–2025). However, between 2019 and 2025, Thailand held two general elections following the 2014 military coup, a period that holds significant implications for the study of political rights in the country. This article has two objectives: 1) to examine the situation and analyze the challenges concerning political rights in Thailand based on Freedom in the World Annual Report of Freedom House during 2019–2025, and 2) to propose recommendations for promoting political rights in Thailand.</p> <p>The findings reveal that political rights in Thailand are facing substantial challenges. No clear indicators demonstrate improvement, and existing indicators even show a declining trend. These challenges can be categorized into three dimensions: electoral processes, political pluralism and participation, and the functioning of government institutions. In light of these challenges, the study proposes 3 recommendations in line with state obligations under the ICCPR: 1) amending the 2017 Constitution and enhancing the quality of electoral management 2) revising the 2017 Organic Act on Political Parties, and 3) addressing corruption. These recommendations aim to reduce existing challenges and contribute to strengthening the quality of political rights in Thailand.</p> 2025-12-30T00:00:00+07:00 Copyright (c) 2025 Conflict and Peace Studies Journal